Communists first in Russian elections

by Mike Davidow

This article was reprinted from the December 23, 1995 issue of the People's Weekly World. For subscription information see below. All rights reserved - may be used with PWW credits.

MOSCOW - Overcoming eight years of unremitting anti-Communism, surmounting Yeltsin's tight control of TV and radio, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) emerged as the leading party in the Duma with 22 percent of the vote. The figure will substantially increase when Communist candidates elected in the individual races in the regions is counted.

For example, in the Kuzbas mining region, the Communists received 31 percent of the vote, in Tambov 35 percent. The "Red Belt" region of Central Russia had not yet reported at this writing. Premier Chernomyrdin's party, Our Home Is Russia, though heavily financed by the "privatized" natural gas monopoly, GASPROM, received less than 10 percent of the vote.

This hits home the minority character of the government. The Liberal Democratic Party headed by the ultra-nationalist Zhirinovsky, which led in 1993 with 22 percent, dropped to 11 percent. Nevertheless, it still poses a menace.

What accounted for the Communist victory in the face of great odds? First, its "secret weapon" is the people's memory of life during the Soviet years and now following the Yeltsin capitalist counterrevolution. The vote actually constitutes a referendum on the contrast. It is an anguished cry: "We have had enough!"

Second, the CPRF wisely concentrated on the grassroots and spent nothing on TV advertising. It effectively utilized its 20,000 branches in all 89 regions, holding thousands of meetings in plants and neighborhoods.

What's ahead? Normally, as the leading part in the Duma, the CPRF should be asked to form a new government. But Russia is ruled by tsar-like presidential decrees and guided by a Yeltsin-made-to-order constitution, the prize of the tank- storming of the parliament.

In his election eve statement, Yeltsin said he would continue the same course whatever the election results. Such a brazen disregard of the will of the people can, as it did two years ago, lead to an explosive political crisis. But much has changed in those two years and this election is the best proof of that.

The CPRF, I believe, will quickly take steps to form a broad coalition in the Duma. They aim to work for the formation of a government of national confidence. There is little doubt this will be rejected by Yeltsin.

As it stands, the constitution gives the president power to dissolve parliament if it rejects his proposed government three times. A two-thirds vote is needed to amend the constitution. Thus, the democratic resolution of the problem lies in the presidential elections in June 1996.

The CPRF may move to set up a shadow government in which the various elements of the broad coalition will be represented. This would give the voters a preview of the government of national confidence. The lesson of the elections is this: the victory could have been even greater were there a single united bloc of the left and patriotic forces. The urgent task is to create such unity in the Duma in the struggle to put Russia back on its feet. Also in the elections, the Agrarian Party, left and other Communist parties and Power to the People Bloc failed to get the necessary 5 percent to qualify for proportional seats which comprise half the Duma, the other half is elected on a first-past-the-post basis.

Gennady Zuganov, head of the CPRF, has emerged as the most popular party leader and potential presidential candidate. The CPRF is number one in the overwhelming majority of the regions. This is a new situation and the greatest achievement in the difficult uphill struggle. It presents great responsibilities as well as opportunities for the party. The choice that confronts Russia is: Will the people be able to force peaceful, democratic transfer of power upon a regime and capitalist class determined to hold on to power at all costs?