1996 Elections: the struggle continues

Statement of the National Board of the the Communist Party USA

This article was reprinted from the November 16, 1996 issue of the People's Weekly World. For subscription information see below. All rights reserved - may be used with PWW credits.

The 1996 election set the pace for the next steps in the struggle to meet the people's needs. Despite the record low turnout, the corporate-financed campaign of the ultra-right Republicans, the use of deceptive dirty tactics, the struggle to defeat the ultra right danger has had a big impact. The fascist threat which emerged in the course of the 104th Congress, and especially at the GOP convention, has been checked for now. as the ultra-right fell short of many of their goals.

Although Labor and the people's forces accepted the "lesser of two evils" tactic, it is now time to challenge the "lesser evil": the Clinton administration and the weaknesses of the Democratic Party's response to the concerns of working people.

The greater activity and and increased unity of labor, African American, Latino, women's, youth and senior votes was the key to defeating Bob Dole and winning other races. It also showed the potential for greater Independence and bigger victories in the future.

Labor '96 made the difference

The role of the AFL-CIO and its Labor 96 campaign was historic. Without it, the outcome of the '96 elections would have been far more negative, indeed could have been tragic. With the financial and street muscle of Labor and its allies, it was possible to put the right wing on the defensive, defeat Dole, 12 of the "Gang of 73" and another half dozen of the most rabid GOP incumbents, and to nearly defeat 22 others.

These are no small achievements considering that the Republican Right wanted to win all three branches of government by electing Dole, increasing their majorities in the U.S. House and in the Senate while winning additional state houses. If that had happened the Contract on America would have been on the fast track.

Instead, the ultra-right Republicans, although they increased in their Senate majority, were blunted in their overall efforts and were put on the defensive. The militant class conscious forces for political independence have a new basis to go on the offensive on the legislative front and to elect pro-labor, working class candidates in local elections next year and the midterm Congressional elections in 1998.

To list but a few of the outstanding victories won against the ultra-right on Nov. 5:

* Rep. Cynthia McKinney of Georgia won overwhelmingly despite being forced to run in a newly redistricted 70 percent white district.

* Sen. Paul Wellstone of Minnesota, the only Democratic incumbent up for reelection who voted against the Welfare Bill and an unapologetic progressive was reelected despite a well-financed national effort to unseat him.

* Carolyn McCarthy, whose husband was killed and son seriously injured in the Long Island Railroad massacre, rejected the racist hysteria, and instead, changed from a life-long Republican to a Democrat to run for Congress and scored an impressive win over incumbent Dan Frisa, one of the Gang of 73.

* Dennis Kucinich winning the Congressional seat of millionaire Martin Hoke in Ohio after overcoming a vicious redbaiting attack.

* The defeat of Dick Zimmer for U.S. Senate in New Jersey, Rep. Dick Chrysler in Michigan, Gary Franks in Connecticut and in the State of Washington, the winning back of three of the six seats lost to the Gang in 1994.

When seen along with the near-defeat of other members of the Gang of 73, the outcome of the 1996 elections shows that it is possible to achieve total defeat of the ultra-right in the future.

The Communist Party in the 1996 elections was in harmony with the majority of working class voters. While we were sharply critical of Clinton and the Democratic Party, we understood that the most important challenge was to attack the main danger; the fascist threat coming from the far- right Republicans.

Our efforts continued even after the Republicans, sensing the mood among the electorate, tried to hide Gingrich and other known extremists in their ranks. Our efforts, like the efforts of most, was to prevent them from expanding and solidifying their rule and implementing the Contract on America.

Who voted against the right

A powerful winning electoral coalition was born in the course of this 14-month struggle. The votes of union households, African Americans and Latinos, united with working class women, youth and seniors, made the difference.

The most significant feature in this year's election was the role of organized labor. Instead of endorsing and providing resources for candidates, the Labor 96 campaign concentrated on education, registration and getting out the vote. Union leaders called on rank-and-file unionists to ignore party labels and "vote like a worker."

The level of participation by African Americans, Latinos and women, including Catholic women, was at unprecedented levels. The emergence of the Latino vote is also important. Spurred on by the vicious attacks by the ultra right on immigrants, the Latino vote is reshaping the political landscape in important parts of the country. The Mexican American vote is now a powerful force in areas such as Orange County, Calif., long considered a bastion of the right wing.

While the racist Proposition 209, misnamed the California Civil Rights Initiative, won and Harvey Gantt lost his bid to unseat notorious racist Sen. Jesse Helms in North Carolina, this election was marked by a high level of grass roots anti-racist unity of Black, Brown and white workers, especially in the deep South and in the far West. Our party, labor and the people's forces must study why, after the Republicans shifted their tactics in order to hide their extremism, the Democrats didn't respond which may have made a difference in close congressional races?

Although economic issues were paramount in determining voting patterns, millions of voters, concerned about the Oklahoma City bombing of April 1995, the Gingrich-Dole conspiracy to cut Medicare and Medicaid, the government shutdown and church burnings, came to view extremism as a basic threat to democracy. This fear isolated Newt Gingrich, caused splits in Republican ranks and compelled millions of democratic-minded voters to reject the Republicans.

Communist Party on the move

Our party focused its energy in mobilizing and educating the voters on the key issues and bringing the danger of the ultra-right to the forefront of the political agenda. Hundreds of thousands of brochures and leaflets were distributed at union conventions and demonstrations, in mass mailings to labor and community leaders, given out door-to- door and at workplaces. Our aim was to reach the majority with the message, "Vote as if your life depends on it."

From the primaries through the general election we carried on a crusade in the pages of the People's Weekly World to alert labor and the people's movements to what was at stake. We urged millions on syndicated talk shows to vote and who to vote against.

Our coalition relations were strengthened with labor and community forces because we worked shoulder to shoulder in the critical struggle to register and mobilize voters and get them to the polls on Nov. 5.

While we chose not to run candidates for national office, our local candidates were well received. Frank Soifer, who ran for mayor of Eugene, Ore., and David Mirtz, who ran for New York State Assembly, built grassroots bases that showed the necessity for the Communist Party to run campaigns to give a voice for all who seek a fundamental break with Big Business' domination of politics.

Danger from the right remains

Despite its many positives, the 1996 elections show that the danger from the far right remains. They have not given up on the Contract on America and will surely use their new strength in the Senate and Clinton's appeals to "bipartisanship" to advance their program. Passage of Prop. 209 in California and of welfare and immigrant "reform" legislation are clear signs that the racist danger remains. The battle against the right must continue, become better organized, more united and more demonstrative.

While those who voted demonstrated a higher level of political understanding,we must understand that the vast majority who stayed home are an important part in the struggle to build an independent political movement.

Although the third party initiatives in 1996 remained outside the main electoral arena, a large majority of people have great doubts about voting and the possibility of changing the direction of the two major parties. The Stand for Children in June, the Oct. 12 demonstration for immigration rights and the AFL-CIO's America Needs a Raise rallies in 30 cities plainly show people's anger and willingness to fight back. But we must examine why these sentiments were not fully expressed in the election booth.

Although the elections held the ultra-right in check, the political and ideological struggles against their program must continue. This is the challenge for all forces of political independence and raises the question of how to organize the pressure for setting a new agenda in the 105th Congress.

Although we can learn from labor's coalition-building efforts which won passage of a minimum wage increase and defeated the Team Act in the 104th Congress, our party, labor and the people's movements must take a deeper look at how to reach the majority stay-at-home vote. We have to take new initiatives for election law reform to create a more democratic guarantee that pro-labor, working class, Communist, left and other third-party candidates can get elected.

Labor and the people's forces have established a lot of momentum out of this election. The challenge is to use that momentum to build a real bridge to the 21st century by rejecting the Contract, stopping the long-term decline in real wages, rejecting racism and organizing a movement for jobs, peace and equality.

That bridge will be built with people's struggle for passage of the Martinez Jobs Bill, in the fight against racism, in struggles to reverse the Welfare Bill, to stop the attacks on immigrants and spread of Prop.209-like measures in other states.

Real political independence and progress toward building a viable third party will take place in the context of building a movement for election law reform, to save public education and against poverty, unemployment and homelessness.

A bridge to the 21st century must be a bridge to peace built by cutting the military budget, withdrawing U.S. troops from around the world and ending the immoral and illegal U.S. blockade of Cuba.

Mass protest and action are the order of the day and are the surest guarantee that the right wing will not be able to regain the initiative. Let Clinton and the 105th Congress hear the angry voices and marching feet of millions demanding a progressive, pro-labor, anti-racist contract with the American people. That is our mandate.


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